Author: Mahima Khan
Pashto Language Vitality (KPK)
International
Language Transmission
The cultural and historical
richness of the Pashto language as well as its significance within the
context of other languages has been acknowledged across the world. This
article explores the contradictions of various historians and philologists in
connection with the origin of Pashtos as a main language of South Asia, with
special reference to Semitic and Aryan theories, the process of development
ofits literature, the dialects of the language and its place within the context
of the South Asian linguistic reality. This work
also explores the evolution of Pashto literature and critically investigates
a recently conducted DNA study that negates Pakhtoon ’s genetic association with Arabs.
Community
members attitudes towards their own language
The aim
of this study was to explore the attitudes of parents that they favor or
disfavour the use of Pashto in education because parents and maternal languages
have very strongest natural attachment with children. A sample from the study
was drawn randomly. Cluster sampling technique was used, which included six
hundred parents of primary school students. A questionnaire based on two points
scale was used for data collection. The collected data was analyzed, and it was
found that most of the parents considered Pashto as a mother tongue and the
easiest medium of instruction but they did not favor it on the basis that it
would not support their children in upcoming education and competitive
examinations which are in English. If one wants to enhance parents'
involvement, education should be provided through children's mother tongue at
the early primary school level while national and international (English)
languages should be implemented at onward levels.
Shifts
in domains of language use
Domains divide language according to the particular
context of its use. Concerning different contexts of research, the domain
varies. The purpose of the present research is to explore the sociolinguistic
significance of Pashto-English hybridization in the language domains. To
explore the area, TV programmes from a Pashto channel Khyber News were selected
through purposive sampling. As two episodes from each programme were selected,
thus a total of ten programmes were taken for analysis that makes about 10
hours of recording. For data analysis, Kachru’s (1978) framework was used. The
findings show that according to different domains of language use, the
frequency of hybridized words varied. In the domain of Government and
Administration and School and Education, mostly words were hybridized, followed
by the domain of Economy, Playground and Street, Military and Courts. The findings
reveal that domains have sociolinguistic significance that determines the
extent to which language is hybridized
Governmental
and institutional language attitudes and policies, including official status
and use
What Can Be Done?
Just
as speech community
members react differently
to language endangerment,
so do linguists, educators and activists to
requests for assistance by speech communities. Such requests relate mainly to
five essential areas for sustaining endangered languages:
1. Basic linguistic
and pedagogical training:
providing language teachers
with training in
basic linguistics, language
teaching methods and
techniques, curriculum
development and teaching materials development.
2.
Sustainable development in
literacy and local
documentation skills: training
local language workers
to develop orthographies
if needed, to
read, write, and
analyse their own
languages, and to
produce pedagogical materials.
One of the
effective strategies here
is the establishment
of local research
centres, where speakers of endangered languages will be
trained to study, document and archive their
own language materials.
Literacy is useful
to the teaching
and learning of
such languages.
3.
Supporting and developing
national language policy:
National language policies
must support diversity,
including the preservation of
endangered languages. More
social scientists and
humanists--and speakers of
endangered languages
themselves--should be actively involved in the formulation of national language
policies.
4.
Supporting and developing
educational policy: In
the educational sector,
a number of
linguists are engaged
in implementing increasingly
popular mother tongue
education programs. Since
1953 and especially
in the past
fifteen years, UNESCO
has been instrumental in
this development through
its policy statements.
So-called mother tongue
education, however, often
does not refer
to education in
the ancestral languages
of ethnolinguistic minorities
(in most cases
endangered languages), but
rather to the
teaching of these languages as
school subjects. The
most common educational
model for teaching
ethnolinguistic minority children
in schools still uses locally or nationally dominant languages as media of
instruction. Teaching exclusivelyin
these languages supports
their spread, at the expense of
endangered languages. For example, fewer than 10% of the approximately
2000 African languages
are currently used
in teaching, and
none of these 10% is an endangered language. We favour the inclusion of
regional languages in formal education, but not at the expense of
ethnolinguistic minorities (The Hague Recommendations on the Educational Rights
of National Minorities, 1996;
Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000). It
has been demonstrated
convincingly that acquiring bilingual capability need in no way
diminish competence in the official language.
5. Improving living
conditions and respect
for the human
rights of speaker
communities: Language
documenters, though not
directly involved in
economic
Type
and quality of documentation
and
social development, can
help governments identify
overlooked populations. For example ,
national HIV/AIDS awareness
or poverty-alleviation programs
often do not
consider minority communities,
especially if they
are illiterate. Linguists
and educators can
be vital mediators
by supporting these
communities in formulating
claims about their
linguistic and other
human rights. Conversely,
materials such
as those on
health care, community
development or language
education produced for
these marginalized communities
require specialist input.
Concepts and content need to be conveyed in a culturally meaningful way
Response
to new domain and media
Pakhtunwali or Pashtunwali is a
culture in every sense of the word. Look at it from a variety of angles and you
would find it a rich resource in terms of a vibrant worldview and philosophy of
life. However, its fuller understanding necessitates a diachronic approach
(studying a phenomenon in its historical perspective) followed by a synchronic
appreciation (probing the present state and use of the subject under
investigation).
Historical analysis of
Pakhtunwali is sine qua non in the context of current wave of
crisis both in Pakistan and Afghanistan as the phenomenon is generally
associated with Pakhtun culture. This perception is the natural corollary of
the piecemeal approach to the study of Pakhtunwali over the last two centuries.
Resultantly, our understanding
of this culture suffers from distortions, misappropriations, and serious
shortcomings.
The piecemeal approach is
accompanied by the essentialist attitude of the investigators. The latter
approach assigns some permanent characteristics and attributes to a culture and
the behaviour of a people is seen as determined by them. It just ‘reduces and
otherises’ a culture in terms of stereotyping and constructivism.
Stereotyping and constructing
national and socio-cultural identities are generally produced by vested
interests. The behaviour of a people is seen in the context of concrete
structure of a culture. All this is found in works so far produced on the
culture of Pakhtunwali.
Pakhtunwali has been treated
this way since the first encounter of Pakhtuns and the British, nay, traces in
this regard might be found in the early phase of Pashto literature. The epic of
Amir Karor -- the first known Pakhtun poet belonging to the eighth century --
is an important example of Pakhtun heroism and warlike attitude.
The essentialist understanding
of Pakhtunwali ignores the process of its social and cultural changes.
Questions such as the origin of Pakhtunwali and the historical processes and
forces which caused it develop are not being seriously considered by
investigators. It follows that discourse of the same nature about Pakhtunwali
that is found in Pashto, English and Urdu.
Whether language corresponds to
the actual reality or not? It is a hotly contested issue between the two poles
of positivism -- objectivity inclined and relativism-oriented. Hence, different
discourses are available about the same phenomenon.
It is in this theoretical
framework that language of the Pakhtuns (Pashto) and languages about the
Pukhtuns (such as English and Urdu) vis-à-vis Pakhtunwali call for serious
consideration. The same discourse which is dominantly found in Pashto, English,
and Urdu repeats the so-called essentials of Pakhtunwali -- nang (honour), badal (revenge), paighor (taunt), nanawaate (beseeching
pardon), tarburwali (agnatic rivalry) and melmasthia (hospitality)
-- in a casual manner.
"These things," as
this writer wrote in The Friday Times (February 4-10 2011)
"though central to the Pakhtuns’ social life, are in no way the sum-total
of Pakhtunwali, and the journalists and anthropologists who repeat them ad
nauseam have really not done their homework. In fact, I would like to
term this prevalent approach as repeating-Pakhtunwali-parrot-fashion".
Pashto does contain a medley of
representations of Pakhtuns and Pakhtunwali made by their political leaders,
mystics, religious puritans, literary figures, historians, and the unknown
enchanters of folklore. All these forms of representation reflect essentialist
attitude and hold in common a certain amount of essence with orientalist
understanding of Pakhtun culture.
One exception should be pointed
out in all these genres of representation -- the realm of Pakhtun spiritualism
epitomised by sufis like Rahman Baba and the Roshania poets.
English sources form the next
category of representation of Pakhtunwali. It has a great diversity as people
from different socio-cultural, historico-geographical and religio-political
backgrounds over the years have investigated the domain of Pakhtunwali.
It is, again, nothing short of
‘repeating-Pakhtunwali-parrot-fashion’ in essentialist mode. No holistic and
diachronic analyses are found in these works.
Similarly, Urdu language
presents another kind of representation of Pakhtunwali. This is to be generally
related to the cultural and political horizon of Pakistan. It might also have
political bearings, especially in the context of Indo-Pak and Pak-Afghan
geo-strategic realities. As the larger portion of the population has greater
access to Urdu media, the essentialist nature of Pakhtunwali gets widely
portrayed in Pakistan.
All these understandings do not
correspond to the cultural phenomenon of Pakhtunwali. They are merely tenuous
representations. And it is purely in essentialist terms, coupled with piecemeal
approach, that all the historical episodes of violence are associated with
Pakhtunwali. All other internal and external factors, which remain instrumental
in any such crises are being simply ignored.
‘Repeating-Pakhtunwali-parrot-fashion’
is an intentional, but also an unintentional in some cases, attempt aiming at
socio-cultural and political constructionism. Its unavoidable effect is
indoctrination and nurture of generations of Pakhtuns in terms of false
consciousness, irrational thinking, and delusions of heroism.
All this provide a fertile
ground for viewing individual and collective behaviour as caused by
Pakhtunwali, an utter oversimplification of reality in the framework of certain
preconceived constraining structures of culture. In this way, the process of
social and cultural changes vis-à-vis Pakhtunwali is dehistoricised.
In contrast to the
above-mentioned understanding of Pakhtunwali, a diachronic analysis, which
would take into account the process of continuity and change and the resultant
syncretic and dialectic nature of Pakhtunwali would portray this culture in
totally different terms.
The long-awaited
contextualisation of Pakhtunwali against the spatio-temporal dynamics in a
historical perspective would show the futility and naivety of the essentialist
attitude and piecemeal approach.
The diachronic analysis of
Pakhtunwali requires situating it in the frontier homeland of
Pakhtuns from times immemorial. The concept of frontier area reminds
us the two categories of geographical limits by British historian Arnold
Toynbee viz cul de sac and roundabout.
The former are closed areas on
the fringes having no transit and characteristic of receiving things while the
latter are open areas having routes and arteries which traverse them. It
implies that roundabout areas happen as being vigorously receiving influences
from different directions and radiating them further.
Peripheries turn into centres
this way, one may argue. Pakhtun land in history has played such a unique role,
a thesis substantiated by Gandhara culture (though a dominant group of
academics would deny any contribution by Pakhtuns to Gandhara civilisation, a
debate which I would like to avoid here).
Pakhtunwali has developed over centuries
and seen phenomenal transformations via syncretic and dialectic processes.
Against this backdrop, two different paradigms, with further subdivisions, in
the history of Pakhtunwali are found. They are prior to Pakhtuns’ conversion to
Islam and in the wake of this conversion.
Utterly disowned by Pakhtuns,
investigations in relation to the first category suffer from crucial
limitations in terms of lack of vivid literary evidence and the Islamisation of
Pakhtun historiography as is clear from the story of the so-called conversion
of Qais Abdur Rashid, Pakhtuns’ ancestor, to Islam on the invitation of Hazrat
Khalid bin Walid. But all this shall not hinder and turn such investigations as
futile pursuits. A viable research design, buttressed by multidisciplinary
concerns, can bring success in this regard.
Intensive study of Pashto
folklore, new approach to the analysis and interpretation of archaeological
data, and anthropological and ethnographic investigations can help us greatly
in knowing pre-Islamic layers of Pakhtun culture. Zoroastrian traces, Vedic
elements, Buddhistic signs and symbols are still found in abundance in Pakhtun
culture.
With the arrival of Islam,
Pakhtunwali underwent important transformation. Well-known Pakhtun poets: Hamza
Shinwari and Samandar Khan Samandar see, in a greatly exaggerated way,
Pakhtunwali as in complete conformity with Islam, a view contradicted by Pashto
folklore.
Irrespective of this debate, it
should be observed that over the last millennium Pakhtunwali saw phenomenal
social and societal changes. Nomadism, sedentism, transition from
egalitarianism to feudalism and, lastly, modernism are landmark developments in
its history. All these developments have effected fundamental changes in the
culture of Pakhtunwali in a historical sense.
This passing reference to the
history challenges the essentialist and piecemeal view of unchanging nature of
Pakhtunwali. It also reveals its relevance by dint of its mutability in
response to new socio-political realities.
It has been practised in
conjunction with the dynamics of every new social environment. This
necessitates its appreciation in a holistic sense of the concept of culture --
in ideational and ecological contexts.
This new understanding of
Pakhtunwali would lead to its welcoming in the process of institution building,
policy making and, above all, putting an end to stereotyping. It would help
Pakhtuns to live in conformity to the spirit of new circumstances instead, to
be determined by purposeful constructions.
Availability
of materials and language education and literacy
IMPORTANT CHARACTERISTICS FOR A LANGUAGE ADOPTED AS
MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION According to Farani the important characteristics for
language of instruction were as under; v. It should be clear and comprehensible
for both educators and learners. vi. Conduction of research should be feasible
through it. vii. Its grammatical arrangement should be easy and understandable.
viii. It should be fraught with extensive vocabulary. ix. The related language
should be used for communication and also understandable countrywide. Zubair
suggested and gave his arguments in favor of home language of students as the
medium of instruction because it provides home like environment in
teachinglearning process for primary school students. He further added that
education should be provided in mother language of the students and language
second (L2) should be implemented as a subject only from class one (Gillani et
al., 2010).
Proportion
of speakers within the total population
Pashto
is the first language of between 40% and 55% (11 to 15.4 million) of the people
of Afghanistan, and 10% to 28% (2.8 to 7.8 million) speak it as a second
language, and the total is around 18 or 19 million.
Absolute
numbers of speakers
Approximately 40
million people around the world speak Pashto as a native language.
Meanwhile, Dutch has only 22 million native speakers. In addition to
Afghanistan, 25 million people speak Pashto in Pakistan.
